[852]
I am very sorry not to be able to communicate anything consoling about my Africans this year. Apart from Michele Ladoh and little Antonio, all the others have contracted a bad African disease, which, despite all the care given them in Christian charity, assumed a malignant form for these poor Africans and for several it ended in a frightening death. If we are depressed due to these misfortunes which have removed all our hope of being able to educate my Africans in Europe for the benefit of the Central African Mission, nevertheless the angelic lives of these beloved children, who had been entrusted to us, and their precious death, fill us with an indescribable consolation and this can be given to you for the sacrifices you have made in favour of the Africans of Verona.
[853]
This time I would like to tell you about our Pietro Bullo who, after an exemplary life, died like an angel. First, however, I must tell you how I obtained this boy and afterwards inform you of the journey I made on the Red Sea to scrape together a respectable number of pupils for our African Institute.
[854]
In September 1860 I received a letter from India from the Most Reverend Celestino Spelta, Vicar Apostolic of Yu-pè and General Visitor in China (I had met this gentleman the year before my journey from Cairo to Rome and I had informed him of the aims of our Institute), in which he told me that there were a large number of African boys in Aden who were quite suited to our Institute in Verona. I told my Superior Fr Nicola Mazza, who nevertheless wanted to ascertain first of all in amore precise way the truth of this information and only afterwards to decide on the matter. But as yet he did not know how to obtain these more precise reports. On 10th October of that year a Carmelite missionary brought two Africans to us in Verona, whom Fr Giovenale da Tortosa, the Prefect of Aden, had entrusted to him when his ship stopped in Aden on its way from Malabar. The Prefect had begged this missionary from India to take several more of these boys with him, but having little money, he was only able to take two. We examined these two and found them very well suited to our purpose, and willing. So then without any further thought my Superior ordered me to leave for India.
[855]
I remember how Fr Mazza gave me an estimate for the travel expenses and the purchase of the Africans. Thinking I would find 40 to 50 boys, I thought I would need 25,000 francs. My Superior examined his wallet and said: “I only have 13 florins”. “So I shall have to stay in Verona”, I answered. “Not at all”, he replied, “in three days you will leave for India”.
[856]
It was lucky I had not become obstinate about my opinion. I went to Venice to obtain passports for the young Africans I had to accompany to Naples, and on the third day Fr Mazza blessed my departure, gave me 2,000 francs (which he had received from Count Giuseppe Giovanelli and his pious wife, who gave 900 francs) and said “Leave all the same; here are 2,000 francs, but I cannot give any more right now. Pray that God lets me find more money, because I want to help you, but you go in any case”. Two hours later I was leaving Verona to deliver to Fr Lodovico da Casoria in La Palma Institute 4 boys who could not tolerate the Verona climate.
[857]
In conversation with Fr Lodovico I heard that Fr Olivieri’s fine work was a prey to terrible persecutions, both at the hands of the Turks and on the part of several European consulates.
[858]
The previous year, returning to Egypt from Central Africa, I had myself witnessed Fr Biagio Verri’s afflictions. He was in prison with 5 African women, who after being reported by some members of the English Consulate, which had always proved hostile to the spread of Catholicism, were considered as slaves by the Egyptian government. In its stipulations following the eastern war, the Paris treaty had forbidden slavery and the trade of Africans. This just law, which had been promoted by European civilisation and the Gospel, was manipulated, badly interpreted and modified by the Turks. Thus they considered Fr Olivieri and his companion Biagio Verri as slave traders, since they used money to buy the poor African girls from the hands of the jallaba (slave traders).On the other hand I had already heard that Fr Olivieri’s most implacable enemies were the gentlemen of the English Consulate in Alexandria, who had assured the Pasha that the Catholic priests were practising the slave trade, and that such a disorder would have to be stopped. Such false information from the English, and the false interpretation the Egyptians gave to the ransoming of slaves, brought Fr Verri great troubles and countless difficulties. Knowing all this and having heard that the struggle against Fr Olivieri’s work was continuing, I decided to go to Rome, where I hoped to obtain good recommendations for the English Consulate in Egypt.
[859]
God granted my wish. Mgr Nardi, a friend and benefactor of my Institute, took me toMr Hennessy Pope, a Member of the House of Commons in London, who, when he knew the purpose of my journey, obtained for me from Odo Russell, the British Ambassador in Rome, a letter of recommendation in which he asked Her Britannic Majesty’s Consul General in Egypt to give me full protection and obtain for me from the Pasha of Egypt a permit to take with me from Alexandria to Europe all the Africans I might present, stating that they were no longer slaves but completely free. At the same time as sending me this letter, Lord Hennessy Pope wrote that when I am in Egypt, should I have any difficulties with the English Consulate or with the Egyptian government, I could write to him in London at the House of Commons, where he would be glad to give me protection so that I could succeed in my enterprise.
[860]
With this letter of recommendation and several others that could be of use to me with various consulates in Egypt, having received the Holy Father’s blessing, I left the Eternal City and set sail from Civitavecchia on board the Carmel, a French vessel which took me to Malta. This journey on the Carmel proved more fortunate than the one I had made on the Stella d’Italia from Genoa to Naples, during which my four Africans suffered greatly .Much more dangerous, however, was the journey from Malta to Alexandria on the French ship Euphrat which began to sink into the sea on account of a terrible storm, which caused us great fear. With God’s help we reached the African coast, off Alexandria.
[861]
In Cairo I had the good fortune to speak to the Pole Fr Anastasio, who had just come back from India. Over there, he had heard that both in Bombay and on the Malabar coast there are a large number of Africans that I could buy very easily. Many had even been offered to him but he had been unable to take them with him, because he did not know what to do with them. Without staying any longer in Egypt, I left by train for Suez, where I boarded the Nepual, a ship of the English Peninsular-Oriental navigation company. I had to pay 450 francs for a second class passage. After seven days of dangerous sailing, the whole length of the Red Sea, I reached Aden.
[862]
I shall pass over my visit to Bombay and the Zanguebar coast, because those ventures were unsuccessful, since all the Africans I found there had either been employed by Indians or by Portuguese Catholics or were not given to me. I shall dwell only on the interesting things that happened to me in Aden.
[863]
I think it is necessary for me to explain why there are so many Africans on the Arabian coast. At the beginning of 1860 quite a number of jallaba (Abyssinian slave traders) travelled all over their country and the vast regions of Galla, Tigray, Ankober, Gudru, Omara, Ashalla, Damo, Nagaramo, Dobbi, Ammaia, Sodo, Nono, Sima, etc. and captured more than 400 slaves, men and women. The way in which they took possession of these poor Africans is horrible. They took advantage of the hospitality they found among a few Galla families to gain precise knowledge of the prey they wanted to seize and by night they stole the children, put them on horses and dromedaries and fled to the south. Several parents who realised the danger for their children were killed as they tried to oppose this monstrous rape.
[864]
Our poor Pietro Bullo was stolen in a similar manner. He had gone a little way from the tukul where his parents lived to play with other children. There he received from a jallaba, Haymin Badassi, a present of a few forest berries and was led even further away from home with most of his playmates. But all of a sudden the jallabas seized hold of him and the other children and carried them off on horseback. To stop him screaming they bound his head in strips of cotton so as to prevent any possibility of his seeing anything or shouting. But this did not stop the cries of the other boys who had been stolen and as Pietro’s mother rushed in that direction wailing and calling for her son, she was struck by a spear and fell dead on the ground.
[865]
For three months the jallabas travelled on towards the south, then they gathered together on the coast of Zanzibar. There they loaded 400 Africans, mostly boys, onto three sailing ships. From there they took them in the direction of the Persian Gulf and Muscat, in whose markets, as in the markets of the whole of inland Arabia, they intended to sell the boys. It is enough to say that in those countries the slave trade is not controlled by the European powers and can therefore be practised without fear of punishment. I cannot express how much those poor boys suffered on the journey from Zanzibar to Cape Guardafui. In Aden I came to know from quite a number who had been on these Arab boats that the boys had received food once every three days and that some, who were overcome by hunger or had died due to mistreatment or other sufferings, had been thrown overboard. Quite a number also died on the journey from the land of the Gallas to Zanzibar.
[866]
Then as the three ships rounded Cape Guardafui, they were accosted by the Somalis. These are the inhabitants of the coastal areas, and although they are also Africans, they have nevertheless been entrusted by the English government in Aden with controlling the slave trade and reporting to the Governor of Aden all those they find in possession of Africans, and that they suspect of practising the slave trade along the coast of their vast country. They seized the boys and the perpetrators of this despicable trade who, without success, tried to incite everyone against them, especially the strongest boys on the ship, telling them the Somalis would kill them all. The Somalis then boarded the ships, tied up the slave traders and the most dangerous boys and set sail for the coast of Aden. As they approached this city, they were met by a troop of English soldiers. The slave traders and the skippers of the three ships, fearing the death penalty, trembled with fright, made ultimate efforts to incite the boys to rebellion against their captors, constantly assuring them that in their hands they were bound to be tortured and beaten to death, and that first they would undoubtedly feed them abundantly only to kill them later as they had said and prepare them as food. And the boys did indeed rebel and throw a few into the sea, but at the same time they also had the displeasure of seeing a lot of their comrades die and be wounded. Our little Pietro did not have to suffer any of the treatments that were dealt out to all the rest. Finally they reached Aden, disembarked, were surrounded by the English soldiers and were led to the middle of a large square, where they had to stay for several days.
[867]
I say nothing of the dissolute behaviour that could have taken place on the journey from Zanzibar to Aden among that mass of poor boys and girls who on the ships were bound tightly together like goats and who were abandoned to the whim of the immoral and bestial men who guarded and accompanied them for over a month. What fate met the slave traders, those perpetrators of injustice, I cannot tell you, because I discovered nothing certain in Aden. I only know that a few days after their arrival in Aden the youths were lined up in single file in a large square. Boys and girls were then matched with each other according to size. More than a hundred such marriages were made in a single day. They were then all set free by the English. Several of these African couples who were strong and fit for work boarded ships and were taken to Bombay and to the Malabar coast.
[868]
A certain number of boys, who because of their tender age were not yet able to get married, stayed in Aden. Thus 14 boys and likewise 3 girls were placed with a Spanish merchant to wash coffee in his great warehouses. This merchant was Signor Bonaventura Mass, who was most esteemed both by the Mission and its Superior, a Spanish Capuchin. It had not occurred in the meantime to anybody that they should take care of the poor Africans. Nobody had thought of giving them the greatest good of all, the most beautiful celestial blessing, the Catholic faith.
[869]
But divine Providence, always rich in mercy, sent them in Aden an angel of peace in the person of Mgr Spelta, Bishop of Hu-pè, Apostolic Visitor to China, who stopped for six hours on his way through Aden. He came to hear the story of these youths and persuaded the Prefect Apostolic of Aden, Fr Giovenale da Tortosa, to take up the matter, to educate them, to have them take part in the work of the missionary station and to send them to Europe where several Institutes could see to their education and make sure they were on the right path. Fr Giovenale took the bishop’s advice and distributed the youths in Catholic households, keeping three in his own house. Each evening they would gather in the Mission house. There an Irish soldier with extraordinary zeal mechanically drilled them in the English catechism, which the children learnt by heart no less mechanically. Being very talented youths they quite quickly learnt the Hindi language which as well as Arabic is spoken in Aden.
[870]
On my arrival in Aden, I found 12 boys and two girls (Gallas) in the condition I have described. My first thought was to conceal the purpose of my trip from everyone and even from Fr Giovenale himself. In order to safeguard my interests I was cautious at first not to arouse the suspicions of the English government and clergy, since the latter views with suspicion the arrival of any stranger, but above all of any priest. Fr Giovenale, therefore, thought that I was just on my way from Bombay to Suez and thus candidly told me the whole story of the youths. I sought to examine them closely and so went to see them in their lodgings. I had already examined them in the Mission house, where they were assembled one evening to learn their prayers and the Catholic catechism. Finally I set my sights on 9 boys among whom there was also our Pietro Bullo who, although he was one of the smallest, showed extraordinary intelligence, a rare docility combined with great docility to the grace of Jesus Christ; it could be hoped that he would become a pious and useful Catholic. The other boys did not seem to me suited to the purposes of my Institute; the girls refused to follow me.
[871]
At this point I revealed my plans to Fr Giovenale, who helped me to succeed in my intentions. He went to the boys’ employers and induced them to hand them over to me. Naturally I sought in every way to win the boys over. All of them except for Antonio Dubale decided to follow me to Europe. Our Pietro, who was living with an Indian doctor, could not be separated from me for more than two hours at a time. So he told his employer that he no longer belonged to him, but to me, and he wanted to come and live with me in the mission house. To no avail the doctor asked the little one to stay with him until my departure, when he would have given him permission to follow me. Pietro would not hear of it and came to me. He made such a fuss on my account that with his enthusiasm he even influenced the doctor’s son in my favour. The little twelve-year-old Indian came to me repeatedly in the mission house and begged me to accept him too for the colleges in Europe. Although I always refused, he constantly implored me at every moment to take him with me to Europe. One day, after he had pressed me again, for a long time and insistently, I told him: “I cannot take you because you are not black, whereas my Institute is founded only for blacks”. “Well”, he replied, “I’ll become black; I will try to colour myself black with ink, then I shall be able to come and stay with you: I would willingly leave my father to follow you”.
[872]
I had quite a business getting Giovanni and Battista, but in the end with Fr Giovenale’s help I was able to get eight boys. I then had to overcome the more serious difficulties which I had to fear from the English government of India, since it is always opposed to Catholicism. Fr Giovenale could not help me in this for he was having a disagreement with the Governor, who had forced him to pay a 4% tax for the church and considered the furnishings of the church and
the priestly vestments as private property.
[873]
Placing all my trust in God, who died for Africa too, I went to the Governor and asked him to interview the two boys I brought before him, to see whether they wished to follow me to Europe. Moreover I requested that, should he find that they had taken this decision of their spontaneous accord, he should free them, issue them with passports and do me the favour of declaring them Anglo-Indian subjects. After making some objections at first, he granted my wishes. Then I took courage and thought it right to bring before him also the other 6 young Gallas; but he would not hear of it. However, by never ceasing to pester him with my pleas, I convinced him to seek advice from the members of his government, one of whom was the English pastor. They discussed the matter and came up with the suspicion that I had come to proselytise; in addition they declared that I was acting against the law which prohibits the slave trade.
[874]
So they decided not to grant my request. Then I declared to the gathering that I would address the Government itself to obtain the protection of these poor youths who wished to make full use of their freedom and, in accordance with their own wishes, wanted to follow me to Europe; but all in vain. I then demonstrated to the Governor that he was obliged to protect the freedom of these youths resident in British territory, and that if he gave them permission to follow me he was doing nothing but protecting their freedom. I also gave him other reasons and arguments for granting them English protection, and in the end the Governor decided to examine the youths. I therefore introduced to the Governor, Municipal Councillor Playfair, the youths, each of whom I had already taught how to answer. He examined each one individually, gave them all a certificate of freedom together with an Indian passport and put them down as English subjects. With these three documents I was certain to be able to take the eight Galla youths with me.
[875]
Now the only one lacking was Antonio, who would have liked to follow me, but had not yet decided to do so, because his master, an Englishman by the name of Greek who treated him very well, did not want to let him go. As soon as this man realised that I intended to take the little one away, a thing he feared due to the excellent services Antonio provided in his household, he forbade him to visit the mission house. However Antonio, who is most intelligent, understanding that if he stayed in his master’s house he would not have been able to become Catholic, decided to follow me against his master’s will. Mr Greek (a civil servant) discovered his little African’s intention, did not leave him alone for a single moment and always took him to the office with him for fear that, taking advantage of his absence, I might convince the boy to follow me. And he was certainly right. I went several times to Mr Greek’s house and begged him to give me the boy; but all my pleas were in vain. So I sent Fr Giovenale to the English official, but the latter answered him that if Signor Comboni continued to insist on taking the boy away and to request this of the Governor this might well lead to his having the other youths taken away from him.
[876]
Fr Giovenale brought this answer back to me: I interpreted it in a sense that was favourable to me. Two days later I paid Mr Greek a visit in his office, which was in the Governor’s house. We discussed politics, trade, England’s glorious history, her conquests, the influence the country was having on the civilisation of America and Australia. After we had chatted like this for an hour, people came to the office on business. Mr Greek seemed prepared to bid me farewell, but I pretended not to notice. I let many people come in and I withdrew somewhat into the background looking at pictures and maps in the part of the room where Antonio was. Observing that Mr Greek was very busy with the persons who had come to see him, I slowly got closer to the door, signalled to Antonio to follow me and left the office with the boy without the Englishman’s knowledge. I went at once to Mr Playfair, introduced Antonio and said: “Here is another youth who wants to follow me; be so kind as to examine him and if you find that he truly wishes to become a pupil of my Institute in Verona, declare him free, issue him a passport and register him as an English subject”. The Governor granted all my requests.
[877]
As soon as I returned to the mission house, I told the Prefect Apostolic: “Here is the boy I wanted, go to Mr Greek and tell him that I have done as he wished. Tell him that through your mediation he had made it clear to me that, if I wanted to have the boy, I had to go to the Governor; now I have the boy precisely because I went to the governor, who granted me everything, as you can see from these papers”. The Prefect went to Mr Greek and told him all this; Mr Greek was most angry, came to the mission house, threatened to hit me and have me lose all the boys again.
[878]
He wanted to take little Antonio away from me by force, but I told him: “Sir, with your behaviour you would be compromising yourself. You are acting against the freedom of the African who wishes to accompany me. If you seek to take possession of the boy by force you are breaking the law and are guilty of the crime of the jallaba, thus deserving the same punishment as they do. The Governor cannot move a finger against me or against the boy, because I hold a legal authorisation in writing which I shall show to the Government in London if it ever dared to ask me for my documents. You, and the Governor, would then be punished for your injustice”. These words of mine and the Prefect Apostolic’s arguments won over Mr Greek, who drank a couple of bottles of good porter (English beer) with us and we became friends.
[879]
In Aden I was only able to get together 9 children, but this number was too little for the purpose of my trip. On board the Nepaul I had heard from a missionary, who was going to a congress of missionaries that was due to take place in the south-eastern part of Madagascar, that in the Mozambique Channel there were a large number of African slaves who were being sold for 50 francs each. Signor Mass of Aden, who had been several times to Mozambique and was trading intensively with the neighbouring islands of Mayotte, Nos-Beh and Comores, confirmed the truth of this report. He promised me his protection and free transport for the Africans from Mayotte to Marseilles and on his own ships, which were to take the route of the Cape of Good Hope and cross the Atlantic Ocean. But how could I carry out this plan when all I had left was 600 francs? Before my departure my Superior Fr Mazza had given me 2,000 francs and had told me: “Take this money; I do not have any more; pray the Good Lord to let me receive some more; then I shall send you another good amount”. I implored the Lord with insistence and constancy, but the Lord did not hear my prayer, because in all my trip my Superior did not send me a penny.
[880]
I therefore resolved to put off implementing my plan, to return to Europe and to discuss the question of the purchase of Africans in Mozambique with Fr Olivieri. Indeed I proposed this deal to Fr Biagio Verri in Cairo and he seemed quite prepared to accompany me to the south-eastern coast of Africa; but later when I discussed it with Fr Olivieri, that holy old man told me that he did not feel fit enough to implement so vast a plan nor for the struggle against the innumerable difficulties and dangers that were to be expected on the journey round the Cape and through the Atlantic Ocean. So I stayed on in Aden with my 9 boys and with the 600 francs I had left. With that amount I just did not know how I was going to return to Europe. But Providence is always there to help in work done for the glory of God. Very soon the French frigate, the Du Chayla, arrived in Aden commanded by Captain Tricault, the present Secretary General of the French navy in Paris. The frigate was coming from China and heading for Suez. On board was His Excellency Baron Cross, Ambassador Extraordinary to the courts of Japan and China. The Baron had just signed a commercial treaty between France and the Celestial Empire. I introduced myself to the commander and the ambassador and talked to them of Central Africa and the scope of my enterprise. I told them that I could assist them as chaplain of the ship, since theirs had fallen ill in Ceylon. Baron Cross and Monsieur Tricault were generous enough to grant free passage and accommodation on the frigate from Aden to Suez not only to me but also to my 9 Africans.
[881]
The journey up the Red Sea took 11 days; but between Mokha and Suakim we were caught in a fierce storm which reached its climax off Jeddah. Finally, on 25th March we reached Suez. A 19–gun salute greeted the arrival of the French ambassador on Egyptian soil. On 26th March we reached Cairo at the same time as Said Pasha, the Viceroy of Egypt, who was returning from a pilgrimage to Mecca. My Africans were in fine form. As soon as I reached Cairo, I went to His Excellency Sir Colquehoun, Her Britannic Majesty’s Consul General and Agent in Egypt, to give him the letter of recommendation from Mr Odo Russell, English Ambassador in Rome. This letter requested the English government to give free passage to all the African boys I was accompanying from Alexandria to Europe. The Consul General received me with great courtesy and together we went to see the Pasha. After showing him the passports and the charter in which the boys were declared English subjects from India (since Aden comes under the Governor General of Bombay) I was issued with a firman, signed by the Pasha, which ordered the head customs officer of Alexandria to grant free passage to the little Indians accompanied by Daniel Comboni. Then, since this affair had gone so well for me, Fr Kirchner, the Pro-Vicar Apostolic of Central Africa, entrusted to me another young girl by the name of Caterina Zenab.
[882]
Caterina Zenab was staying with the Good Shepherd Sisters. She had helped us one day with the compilation of a glossary when we had been working with the Kich, who live on the White Nile at 6 degrees Latitude North. Then I left for Alexandria and asked the Good Shepherd Sisters to bring me the African Caterina Zenab two days later. Since I was in dire financial straits the first thing I did was to look for a free passage to Europe. Providence helped me again: at the French Vice Admiral’s office I was granted a passage from Alexandria to Marseilles and only had to pay 400 francs for food. I then had the firman signed by the Governor of Alexandria, Rashid Pasha. From the Austrian Consul General I also obtained a passport and a document for Caterina Zenab. According to these papers this African girl was declared an Austrian subject, as coming from the Austrian mission house in Khartoum. Four hours before the Marsey was due to sail, I went to the port with the 9 boys to embark, having previously instructed two sisters of charity to bring the African girl aboard for me two hours later.
[883]
The previous year they had caught Fr Olivieri with his 5 Africans, and now they suspected me of being one of his assistants who had bought the Africans to bring them to Europe. Therefore I was obliged to go with the boys into the office of the head of the customs and to provide better explanations on the question of the slaves; they maintained that my Africans were Abyssinians (and Gallas do in fact have the same colouring and the same features). From my pocket I drew the Pasha’s firman, and the chief or rather the sheikh read it, he looked carefully at the boys’ faces and exclaimed: “These boys are not Indian, but they come from Abyssinia. The Pasha (he went on) did not see the boys, because if he had seen them, he certainly would not have made this firman”. Then I produced the documents from the Governor of Aden while I pointed out to him that if the boys had not been Indian, the Governor of Aden would not have issued any passports. I insisted that the boys really were subjects of the English government. The sheikh had us surrounded by guards and commanded them to take us to a room in the prison building, where the accused were held before being sentenced.
[884]
All my explanations were in vain, all the reasons I produced to convince him to let us board the French ship with the boys were without effect. Instead the order was given for us to be put in prison. In the first place I made sure of getting back from the sheikh all the papers since they could be useful later to prove my innocence, and I also had a letter delivered to the good sisters of charity asking them to keep the African girl with them until further notice. We were then taken to prison. There we spent a couple of hours during which the Turkish officers on guard asked the boys a thousand questions. They threatened me with three shots in the chest. I smiled without answering a thing, while in Indian, for it is not understood in Egypt, I ordered the boys: “Tanda Makharo, ciprausap boito – keep quiet and be silent; daiman ciprau, daiman ciprau – be silent and do not answer”.
[885]
After a couple of hours I said to one of the officers: “Call the customs chief for me, or bring me to him”. I emphatically repeated this request, and he eventually decided to go to the sheikh and bring him tome. As soon as he came in I said: “You are holding me in this place; don’t you know that I am a European? You will pay dearly for this crime”: He answered: “You have bought Abyssinians in Cairo and Alexandria with the purpose of taking them away from Alexandria to Europe, which in itself is forbidden; you corrupted some officials of the English Consulate to obtain the papers by which the boys are declared to be Indian. But I can distinguish Indians from Abyssinians very well, because Africans have their passports on their faces. These are Abyssinians whom you have bought despite the recent ban by Said Pasha; therefore you will pay dearly for having broken the law”.
[886]
My attempts to prove to him that the boys were Indian and not Abyssinian and that they came from India (in fact, as regards government, Aden is under India) were unsuccessful. I was just as unsuccessful in proving to him that Egypt would be accountable to England for the infringement of the liberty of a European and subjects of the English Crown, all equipped with the necessary passports, that one of its customs officers was perpetrating. In the end I told him with severity: “Don’t you know I am European? Do you not realise that by keeping me in prison you are putting yourself in the wrong? If you do not release me within three hours, I assure you that your own head will be in peril. I will go as far as to have you punished by death because you have imprisoned a European. Even if I had been guilty of the most serious crimes, you would not be allowed to keep me prisoner; you would have to take me to my nation’s representative, to the Consul, because only he would be entitled to judge me. I know your law better than you know it yourself. You will be in trouble if you do not set me free”.
[887]
We went on arguing in a very animated way certainly for another quarter of an hour; in the meantime the sheikh had again fallen prey to a great fear. He was getting ready to go, when he came back to set me free again. Before I followed him I ordered the boys in Indian to speak neither Arabic, nor Abyssinian, nor Galla, but to keep the most rigorous silence, for their lives could depend on this. Leaving the prison, I told the sheikh in Arabic: “Today was my turn, tomorrow will be yours”, words which caused him great fear.
[888]
I immediately sought help from the British Commercial Consul in Alexandria, Mr Sidney Smith Launders, for what had happened to me concerned him in so far as in Egypt this was considered a commercial matter. I gave him a letter written to him for me by the English Consul General in Cairo, Colquehoun, and I explained my predicament to him. The Consul treated me in a most friendly manner, but was surprised at my plea, and refused to give me his assistance. In fact he had already had to involve himself on other occasions in these African affairs for Fr Olivieri. This had greatly annoyed him because, as regards Africans, he had always found the Egyptian government hostile. I entreated him with tears in my eyes to support me all the same with the Pasha of Alexandria and in his presence to vouch for the validity of the Viceroy Said’s firman, which contained orders. He refused his help, though with regret. So as forcefully as I could I told him: “You are obliged to take up the question of these black boys before the Pasha of Alexandria, for they are no longer slaves, but English subjects. The Egyptian government, by the very fact of putting them in prison and not letting them leave Alexandria, has abused its powers, has infringed the rights of free human beings, has offended the English government by spurning the seal and signature of an English governor. In Alexandria, you represent England. Therefore you must vindicate the shame that has been brought to the name and authority of England”. The Consul then recognised his duties and agreed to give me his protection, but involving himself in this affair was costing him a great sacrifice. In my great affliction at seeing this, I said to him: “If you don’t convince yourself that the name of the English government has been seriously insulted by the Egyptian government in its refusal to allow these boys, subjects of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, and in possession of English passports, to sail from Alexandria to Europe, I feel compelled to go to London and to take this matter before the English government, a step which would certainly not earn you any praise. Just remember that by virtue of your duties you are obliged to protect these boys and to prevent the name of England from falling into disrepute”.
[889]
Sir Sidney then realised what he had to do, and when I went to the Rashid, the Governor of Alexandria, he gave me his interpreter. My threats had made such an impression on the customs chief that as soon as I had been released from prison he had gone straight to the Pasha and told him his version of the affair with the Africans. When we reached the Diwan and stood before Pasha Rashid, I spoke and told the Pasha: “Why did your customs officers not permit me and my little Indians to pass through the port of Alexandria to reach the French vessel, despite the fact that we all had regular passports and the firman of the Effendina (= the Lord) Viceroy of Egypt?” “My employees have done their duty”, answered the Pasha, “because these boys are not Indian, as you declared before Effendina Said. I am convinced they are Abyssinian slaves you bought in Cairo or in Alexandria, and that in order to be able to ship them to Europe you corrupted a few English consular officials who then abused the seal and visa of the Consul by declaring the boys not to be Abyssinian but that they came from India. Indians are not black, but these boys are black. The Viceroy was deceived by the declarations of the English officials and granted them a firman without ever having seen the boys. You have committed a serious crime for which you will pay dearly; I assure you of this through God who is merciful and good: bism Allah errahmàn errahim”. It was easy to answer this accusation.
[890]
I replied to Rashid Pasha: “These boys are not Abyssinian, but Indian. Whoever told you that the boys are slaves bought by me is a liar; they are Indians who come directly from India. On this matter you may refer to the French consul, who has heard all about me and my boys, and to the French ambassador in China, who passed through Alexandria a week ago. Three gentlemen who are in town at the moment can confirm this. You can have a telegram sent to Suez, where the Du Chayla which brought me and these boys to Egypt, is moored at present. In the end you will just have to recognise the value of the Viceroy’s firman and the papers and passports that were given to me in the Indies. You are a just man, a son of the Prophet, who has pure eyes which do not allow themselves to be blurred by the clouds of impiety. Therefore do justice and your duty; bism Allah errahmàn errahim”.
[891]
Rashid Pasha seemed convinced, but his doubts did not leave him completely in peace, for he told me: “Who can assure me that these boys are not Abyssinian? Who can prove to me in the name of God that they are Indian and that you did not buy them in Egypt?” “These papers”, I replied, as I showed him the passports signed in Aden, “these papers prove that I am telling the truth; if you do not let my boys through you are scorning the English nation and I swear to God that England will want satisfaction from you: bism Allah”. We argued like this with animosity for half an hour. The Pasha had an endless litany of objections and I had just as many arguments to bring it home to him quite clearly that the boys were subjects of the Anglo-Indian government. The sheikh of the customs authorities, who was present at the scene, whispered in the governor’s ear that the boys’ complexion was black in colouring. So the Pasha wanted to see them, protesting that if they were white he would set them free, but if that were not the case he would keep them in prison. Now things were becoming very dangerous for me, because the boys were black: a most perilous circumstance for me, if that was enough to further convince the Pasha to follow the sheikh’s advice and opinion. Several times the Pasha expressed the desire to see the boys, saying: “Have the boys come forward; if they are white I will set them free, if not, they stay under arrest”. “To decide this matter you do not need to see the boys: the Viceroy’s firman and the English passports should suffice”.
[892]
“But I want to see the slaves”, he said. Four times I refused to bring the boys before him, because this seemed too risky to me. In the end I had to yield to the Pasha’s orders, and accompanied by two guards, I went to fetch the boys. They were full of fear and had suffered greatly in prison. I explained to them that I was going to introduce them to the great Pasha, in whose presence they should speak neither Arabic nor Abyssinian, but only Indian, otherwise their life would be at risk. I repeated this several times in Indian and urged them to trust in God, who would save them. Then I went with the boys and the guards to Rashid Pasha. As soon as we had entered the great diwan, where there were more than 24 people, everyone exclaimed: “Homma Hhabbaih Kollohom – they are all Abyssinian”. I denied this, because although the features of the Gallas are like those of the Abyssinians, the Gallas are definitely not Abyssinians. But they just went on saying they were Abyssinians and I alone kept maintaining they were Indian. After a long dispute, I turned to the Pasha and said: “All right, if you absolutely insist my boys are Abyssinian, have some of the many Abyssinians living in Alexandria called in. Order them to ask the boys some questions and it will be plain to see: if they speak or understand Abyssinian, you are right and you will be able to keep them in prison, but if they do not understand Abyssinian, you have to set them free”.
[893]
My proposal was accepted by all the members of the grand Diwan. Three Abyssinians were immediately called in, who as soon as they saw the boys said to one another: “These boys come from our homeland. Where do you come from? Who has bought you? Where did you first see your master?” All these questions were very insidious. But the boys gave no answer. Instead, at each question they looked at me and I told them in Indian to remain silent. One Abyssinian said to the boys: “You must answer, you sons of the Prophet, your lord commands you to answer”. However, the boys kept quiet. Hence the Abyssinians declared that my boys obviously did not understand Abyssinian and therefore did not belong to their nation. In brief, I will remind you that the Pasha called in some Indians employed at the English Consulate. They asked the boys all sorts of questions, which they answered quite well. The Indians declared that the boys spoke just a little Indian, but I affirmed that they knew it well.
[894]
In dialogue, little Bullo narrowly missed giving me away when he once answered that he was a Galla. Fortunately, he spoke his answer so timidly that it was not heard and God helped me repair the damage this might have caused me by letting Giovanni speak, who knew Indian very well. So at last the Indians declared to the Pasha that the boys were Indian. “Now I recognise they are truly Indian”, he said and ordered the boys to be handed over to me and for us to be allowed to depart freely to Europe. As soon as the Rashid gave this order, the sheikh turned pale. Remembering the words I had said to him“if you do not set the boys free within three hours, I swear to you by the Prophet’s beard that your head will no longer be secure”, he thought that the hour of my revenge had come. So he wished to reach the point of rendering me harmless. Quite out of his mind with fear, he approached the Pasha and told him resolutely: “Effendina (my lord), I swear to you in the name of the Prophet that these boys are not Indian but Abyssinian. I have been to India several times but I have never met Indians this colour. Indians are nearly white, yet these boys are black”. And indeed he was right, because Indians have a different colouring from Abyssinians. So the Pasha ordered me to explain.
[895]
This left me in a serious predicament. Never before had I invoked God and the Holy Virgin, Queen of Africa with so much fervour as in this situation in which I could so easily waste all my efforts. With renewed courage, I gave a fiery look at the sheikh and said in the presence of the Pasha: “You may well have visited India several times but I do not believe you have been everywhere in India, otherwise you would have seen natives this colour. India is very big and it is most likely that the destination of your journey was the ports such as Madras, Calcutta, Bombay, Mangalore, etc., but you certainly have not visited the inland parts of India. There are many areas and towns that you know only by name. Therefore how can you say that you know the peoples of India and maintain that my boys are not Indian?”
[896]
At these words the poor sheikh was filled with the greatest dismay and thought he was completely lost. “Yes, you are right”, he replied with consternation, “I have never been to inland India and the Indian towns of which you speak. Are they perhaps located in the region of Cape Gal?” “Oh no”, I answered, “these areas are much more distant than Cape Gal”. You can imagine how pleased I was to see the sheikh become so humble and how I thanked the Lord with all my heart for his prompt assistance. After these heated arguments, the Pasha rose from his seat, took my hands in his and said to me: “Oquod esteriahh – sit down, rest – I see clearly that you are right and that these boys are Indian; your words are in perfect harmony with your papers, therefore I do not even want to examine your papers, since your word is enough; you are a man of truth and of justice; you only have to open your mouth for mine to order your will to be obeyed”. After saying these words he had chibbuks and coffee brought in. I smoked and drank to the Pasha’s health, who made me the most flattering promises of friendship. In the meantime I tried to steer our conversation to other matters and told him that he was a just man and that the whole of Alexandria resounded with praises to him. This was true. Then bidding farewell with salam alèks, I departed with my boys. As soon as I had descended the palace steps, the sheikh came up to me and said: “Your Highness has found the justice you deserve. I thought the boys were Abyssinian, but now I am convinced they are Indian. May your face be resplendent and your mouth utter only words of peace: la allah ila allah ou Mahhommed rassielallah” (there is no God but God and Mohammed is his prophet). I stared at him with burning eyes and answered: “If I were a Muslim and a son of the Prophet like you, I would seek vengeance and your cowardice would cost you dear, but I abhor the Prophet and his Koran, which teaches vengeance. I follow the Gospel of Jesus Christ, who teaches to forgive the enemy. Therefore I forgive you with all my heart and want to forget all the harm you did me. I gaze upon you in peace and my mouth has uttered words of forgiveness”.
[897]
As soon as I had pronounced these words, the sheikh threw himself at my feet, kissed the bottom of my coat and exclaimed: “May happiness live in you forever, may your father’s beard and your mother’s eyes be blessed. May you see children and grandchildren to the third and fourth generation; may you be eternally happy in chaallah, etc.”. Then he rose, and after an exchange of salamalèks, I went off to the house where I had settled the boys upon our arrival in Alexandria. Those discussions had lasted until sunset, so that the French ship which was to take me to Marseilles had sailed. But two days later I caught the Lloyd Austriaco and decided to sail for Trieste, via Corfu. The French embassy was good enough to lend me the money. I took 60 guineas and tried to leave, since I was afraid the enemies of Catholicism might report my boys to the government for not being indigenous Indians. With the Lloyd Austriaco agent I reached an agreement that the passage from Alexandria to Trieste would cost 1,210 francs and boarded the Nettuno with my 9 African boys and the African girl Caterina Zenab.
[898]
Reaching the port in Alexandria, we found the sheikh, who had prepared a comfortable boat which took us free of charge out to the Austrian steamer. The crossing did not last 5 days but 8, for we were assailed by a tremendous storm, the most violent the captain had seen in the 20 years he had spent on the Mediterranean. The boys were astonished at the sight of the mountains on the island of Canea shining white: they had never seen snow. The Nettuno, which was commanded by one of the ablest captains of the Lloyd Austriaco, had to turn back along the Dalmatian coast to Corfu. However, this storm was not the worst of the 8 (eight) I suffered in the journeys this small undertaking of mine has made me do. But God protected me visibly until our successful arrival in Verona, which took place on 14th April 1861. Providence also helped me rapidly to pay the debts I had made in Alexandria. God be praised forever!
[899]
During their arrest in Alexandria, my Africans had been told by the Muslims that Europeans were buying Africans to fatten them up and eat them. The boys could not get this prejudice out of their minds, all the more since they had already heard it said by Muslims in Zanzibar and Aden. The most frightened of all was Pietro Bullo.
[900]
Once, in Alexandria, through a window of their room, they were assured by an Arab that Europeans killed Africans and with their heads, once they had removed the brains, made an exquisite roast. Upon hearing such things little Pietro ran away from the house and I found him only after a long search in one of Alexandria’s markets. Now, on board the Nettuno, when he was confronted with a table laden with a variety of dishes it was impossible to get him to eat anything. He stared at me several times with a deranged look in his eyes and said: “I know very well why you set all this food before us: you want to fatten us up and eat us”. But on the journey from Trieste to Verona I managed to convince him of the contrary. When a good opportunity arose I once said to him: “Listen, my Pierino, do you know how much it has cost me to bring you from Aden to here?” “Lots”, he replied. “Would you perhaps know” – I continued – “how much a cow costs in your country?” “Very little”, he thought. “Well now, with the hundreds of thalers you have cost me I could have bought at least 20 cows in your country. If I had really bought you with the intention of eating you, I would certainly have been mad, because I would have more to eat with 20 cows than with you who are smaller than even one cow”. This argument convinced him, as it did the other boys too, and they no longer thought that I had bought them to eat them.
[901]
Little Pietro had some extraordinary qualities. When he was seized by the jallabas he spoke only Galla and Abyssinian. But on his way from the Galla to Aden and from Aden to Verona he learned a fair amount of Arabic and precisely the pure language spoken in the Yemen. In his stay with the Indians of Aden he learned Hindi quite well and 6 months after his arrival in Verona he could also speak Italian quite fluently. He made great progress at school. He was extraordinarily perspicacious and always wanted to know the why and the wherefore of everything. In European public schools he would have been able to succeed more splendidly than the most expert scholars. But the most noteworthy thing was his way of feeling genuinely Catholic and his sublime conception of Christian morality; at the end it was so engraved in his heart that he abhorred sin in a way that was amazing.
[902]
He preferred pious conversations, interested himself with delight in the life of Jesus Christ, of his saints and above all of his martyrs. Moreover he had an ardent desire to be a martyr for Jesus Christ. He told me of this desire several times. He was of a fiery temperament, but to make him gentle it was enough to remind him of the Saviour on the Cross. His great inclination towards piety is evident from what has been said. He prayed with ardent fervour and the sound of the bell calling him to fulfil his religious duties was the most pleasing thing he could hear. I cannot describe the devotion and reflection with which he received Holy Communion twice a week. Although the boys of the Verona Institute usually go to confession every two weeks, Pietro, like the majority of the other boys from his country, went every Saturday, and on the main feast days received the Most Holy Sacraments. Pietro, Giovanni and Battista were models of piety for all the boys in the college and their Superiors, who were frequently heard to say that they would rather teach 200 young Gallas than a dozen Italians or Europeans in general. Our Pierino had a special abhorrence for lies. I frequently heard his confession of his faults and the actions he thought of as sinful, but he never accused himself of a single lie. I am of the opinion that this is due to the character of the Gallas, who in this respect are different from other Africans, who never tell the truth, and flatter people. Instead, the Gallas love the truth and Pietro would never have told a lie even if it might have saved his life. Furthermore he possessed the virtues of self-denial and humility to a high degree. He was always afraid of doing harm and often asked his Superiors whether this thing or that was allowed.
[903]
I want to pass over in silence the other virtues which adorned his beautiful soul, inclined towards meditation and solitude. In the last months of his illness he was very quiet and particularly sought inner peace. I think the answer to that is in the illness with which he was afflicted. When I was leaving for Germany last October, he came to my room once more before my departure and said: “You are leaving, dear Father, but you will not see me again, because when you come back I shall be dead. I feel I am going to die”. In the summer we had let him off studying and sent him to Roveredo, where he spent three months in the care of a distinguished doctor and boarded with a family which esteemed him greatly and treated him with maternal tenderness. He returned to Verona and took up his studies again, but in September his illness came back, and although he recovered a little, his life was coming to an end.
[904]
In November all the Gallas came down with an infectious disease which I had encountered only in Africa. I was assured that Pietro tolerated it with admirable patience, indeed even with joy. I myself heard him say last September in the midst of the most atrocious pain: “Even more, my God, make me suffer even more, because you died on the cross for me”. With these sentiments and having received the Holy Sacraments he died in January 1864 resplendent with celestial joy.
[This report by Fr Comboni was accompanied by the following letter:]
[905]
Enclosed herewith I send you my report which, when published in the Annals, will help promote the good works to which we are consecrated. First of all I must tell you that last Thursday, 19th September, I had an audience with the Holy Father. I was thus able to speak to His Holiness of your Society and I received from the Holy Father a blessing for your Society and above all for the members of its presidential council which I send you by means of this letter. I informed His Eminence Cardinal Barnabò, Prefect of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide, of the great good your precious Society is doing and he too blessed your noble and difficult work. I then received a letter from Marseilles, in which Fr Biagio Verri informs me that Fr Olivieri has a serious illness and will die of it.
[906]
I have been able to gather much information on the life of this holy man. Two priests of the same age as Fr Olivieri, who knew him from his childhood until 1840, have given me a lot of information about his life before he started his work for the rescue of Africans. Casamara, a Trinitarian priest in Rome, and various other respectable personalities gave many details concerning the history of his missionary activity and they will give me more. Therefore, although it is not an easy task, nevertheless, with a little patience I hope to be able to write a complete biography of this extraordinary man.
[907]
During my absence from Verona, Fr Francesco Bricolo, Director of the Mazza Institute, is standing in for me. I have just heard from him that Antonio Dubale, who was very healthy as I left Verona (as I said at the beginning of my report), has now caught the same disease, so that the only one still healthy is Michele Ladoh.
[908]
Francesco Amano had to have his right leg amputated. However, I can assure you that they are all models of self-denial and piety. Battista, who had to have most of his thighs amputated, told the surgeon and those taking care of him: “Forgive me for giving you so much trouble, and I thank you with all my heart for the love and patience you have for me”. And during this atrocious operation he never stopped praying.
[909]
Salvatore, Gaetano and Pietro are dead.
As regards the African girls’ college, things are going very well. When this year’s final examination has been held and the prizes awarded, I shall give you the names of the ones who are particularly outstanding. The undeniable reality, on the one hand that Africans cannot live in Europe, as we have sadly experienced in Naples, in Rome and recently in Verona, and on the other the fact that European missionaries cannot survive the climate of Central Africa, makes me search incessantly for the remedy and presses me to put into practice the ideas that came to me last year during my stay in Cologne. At present I am in Rome precisely to deal with the Holy See and specifically with the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide as regards a new plan concerning the African mission. I have written this plan and submitted it to Propaganda. It is not limited only to the old mission for Central Africa, but covers the whole great African family and thus embraces the whole of Africa.
[910]
Before this plan is approved by the Church, I have been instructed by Cardinal Barnabò to make a journey in order to contact all the religious societies and organisations which have so far worked in the field of African missions, including Fr Olivieri, Fr Mazza, Fr Lodovico da Casoria, the Society for the propagation of the faith in Lyons and Paris, the Franciscan Order, Spanish societies, etc.
[911]
The Holy Father, to whom I have presented my plan, is very pleased with it and blesses it. As he said, he wants all the forces involved to wage a general battle in order to tackle head-on the Christianisation of Africa “viribus unitis”. It seems to me that the plan I submitted to Barnabò is well designed for this purpose. Naturally, once I have heard the opinions and deliberations of the individual societies and formed a precise idea of the conditions in Africa and particularly of the situation in the different mission points, I will adjust my plan accordingly. When the first steps will eventually be taken with the help and advice of many experts, God will then undoubtedly show us the right way for the regeneration of Africa.
[912]
What the Holy Father and the Sacred Congregation have in mind is simple: not to confine our actions to one part of Africa, but to aim for the entire African race. Since it has the same customs, the same habits and defects and the same nature, we can come to its aid as a whole with the same means and the same remedies. If my plan is approved, my greatest wish is that the Society of Cologne may grow greater still: from a stream to become a great river.
[913]
Let us pray that the Lord and the Queen of Africa may bless me, for I have unconditionally consecrated myself to the conversion of Africa, and may they bless and propagate my plan, for this will provide the means for the implementation of the plan. I send you and all the members of the Society my most sincere thanks,esteem and affection.
Your most affectionate
Daniel Comboni, Apostolic Missionary